Julius Caesar Theme Essays - Cultural Depictions Of Julius Caesar

Julius Caesar Theme The play Julius Caesar, by William Shakespeare, or as I prefer to believe Edward de Vere, introduces many readers to a world where speeches are made on many occasions. In this world of rhetoric, persuasive oratory, speeches help people persuade crowds. However, a crowd is not always persuaded by speeches. If a speech is poorly developed with no supporting evidence, a crowd may not agree with an orator. They may instead support the ideas of another orator. In the play Julius Caesar, two prominent figures, Decius Brutus and Mark Antony, try to persuade a crowd of Plebeians. Both men use appealing tactics to sway the crowd. Brutus appeals to the crowd's love for Rome (patriotism), while Antony appealed to their emotion and logic. Brutus' speech is defensive and poorly structured. He begins his speech by addressing the crowd as "Romans, countrymen..." (Julius Caesar 3.2, 13), making it known that he is talking to the crowd as Roman citizens. One of the first mistakes Brutus makes is he bases his whole speech on his honor. He tells the crowd to believe and agree with everything he says because he is an honorable man. This is not a strong line of defense or persuasion because it is hard to believe the things someone says especially if they do not offer you supportive evidence. Rather than giving evidence, Brutus gives an arrogant request, "Believe me for mine honor, and have respect to mine honor, that you may believe." (Julius Caesar 3.2, 14-16). This is interesting because Brutus does not back up his statement (that he is honorable) with evidence. Already, Brutus is overestimating the trust of the crowd. Brutus attempts to cover up his lack of evidence by flattering the crowd by telling them that he will let them be the judge of his actions. (This is a big honor because in Rome at the time, Plebeians receive horrible, degrading treatment.) "Censure me in your wisdom, and awake your senses, that you may the better judge." (Julius Caesar 3.2, 16-17). Brutus continues to tell the crowd that he wants them to know all the facts so they can "awake their senses" and judge him better. This is rather ironic since Brutus never gives facts in his speech. He gives his opinions about Julius Caesar's ambition, but not facts. Even so, the crowd begins to sway at Brutus' flattery. Brutus moves on and starts justifying his actions. He claims that he is responsible for the death of Caesar because of Caesar's ambition. "As Caesar loved me, I weep for him; as he was fortunate, I rejoice at it; as he was valiant, I honor him; but as he was ambitious, I slew him." (Julius Caesar 3.2, 24-27). Brutus is appealing to the crowds wish to be free men without Caesar rather than be slaves under Caesar's tyranny. However, Brutus does not cite any examples to support his allegation of Caesar's ambition. He instead leaves his statements"open-ended". Brutus seems to expect the crowd to believe his arguments just because he is honorable. This is not a wise choice because the crowd is too emotionally shocked (about Caesar's murder) to excited about patriotism. Brutus fails to incorporate "logic" and "emotion" in his speech. Many critics believe that this is the factor that leads to the "mutiny" against him. Brutus seems to have no other supporting arguments for his case, so he asks the crowd questions like; who is so corrupt to want to be a slave under Caesar's rule rather than be free without him. Even if someone would rather be a slave, it is not likely that they will admit to being corrupt. When Brutus starts judging the crowd, he begins to lose his effect on them. "Who is here so base that would rather be a bondsman? If any speak, for him have I offended. Who is here so vile that would not be a Roman? If any speak, for him have I offended. Who here is so rude that would not be a Roman? If any speak, for him have I offended. I pause for a reply." (Julius Caesar, 3.2,29-34) The crowd responds to his questions by telling him that no one is base, rude or vile, but then again who would agree with those statements? Brutus ends his speech saying that he would kill for Rome and die for Rome. Funny, why should anyone believe him? He doesn't even have evidence to prove his honor or Caesar's ambition. On what should the crowd base their

Intertidal Zone Characteristics, Challenges, and Creatures

Intertidal Zone Characteristics, Challenges, and Creatures Where the land meets the sea, youll find a challenging habitat filled with amazing creatures. What Is the Intertidal Zone? The intertidal zone is the area between the highest tide marks and lowest tide marks. This habitat is covered with water at high tide and exposed to air at low tide. The land in this zone can be rocky, sandy, or covered in mudflats. What Are Tides? Tides are bulges of water on the Earth caused by the gravitational pull of the moon and sun. As the moon rotates around the Earth, the bulge of water follows it. There is an opposite bulge on the other side of the earth. When the bulge happens in an area, it is called high tide, and the water is high. In between bulges, the water is low, and this is called low tide. In some locations (e.g., the Bay of Fundy), the water height between high tide and low tide may vary by as much as 50 feet. In other locations, the difference isnt as dramatic and could be just several inches.   Lakes are impacted by the gravitational force of the moon and sun, but since they are so much smaller in comparison to the ocean, the tides even in large lakes arent really noticeable. It is tides that make the intertidal zone such a dynamic habitat. Zones The intertidal zone is divided into several zones, starting near dry land with the splash zone (supralittoral zone), an area that is usually dry, and moving down to the littoral zone, which is usually underwater. Within the intertidal zone, you’ll find tide pools, puddles left in the rocks as water recedes when the tide goes out. These are great areas to gently explore: you never know what you might find in a tide pool! Challenges in the Intertidal Zone The intertidal zone is home to a wide variety of organisms. Organisms in this zone have many adaptations that allow them to survive in this challenging, ever-changing environment. Challenges in the intertidal zone include: Moisture: There are usually two high tides and two low tides each day. Depending on the time of day, different areas of the intertidal zone may be wet or dry. Organisms in this habitat must be able to adapt if they are left â€Å"high and dry† when the tide goes out. Sea snails such as periwinkles have a trap door called an operculum that they can close when they are out of the water to keep moisture in.Waves: In some areas, waves hit the intertidal zone with force and marine animals and plants must be able to protect themselves. Kelp, a type of algae, has a root-like structure called a holdfast  that it uses to attach to rocks or mussels, thus keeping it in place.Salinity: Depending on rainfall, the water in the intertidal zone may be more or less salty, and tide pool organisms must adapt to increases or decreases in salt throughout the day.Temperature: As the tide goes out, tide pools and shallow areas in the intertidal become more vulnerable to temperature changes that could occur from increased sunlight or colder weather. Some tide pool animals hide under plants in the tide pool to find shelter from the sun. Marine Life The intertidal zone is home to many species of animals and plants. Many of the animals are invertebrates (animals without a spine), which comprise a wide group of organisms. Some examples of invertebrates found in tide pools are crabs, urchins, sea stars, sea anemones, barnacles, snails, mussels,  and limpets. The intertidal is also home to marine vertebrates, some of whom prey on intertidal animals. These predators include fish, gulls, and seals. Threats Visitors: People are one of the biggest threats to the intertidal zone, as tide pools are popular attractions. The cumulative impact of people exploring tide pools and stepping on organisms and their habitat, and sometimes taking creatures has resulted in a decrease in organisms in some areas.Coastal Development: Pollution and runoff from increased development can damage tide pools through the introduction of contaminants. References and Further Information Coulombe, D.A. The Seaside Naturalist. Simon Schuster. 1984, New York.Denny, M.W. and S.D. Gaines. Encyclopedia of Tidepools and Rocky Shores. University of California Press. 2007, Berkeley.Tarbuck, E.J., Lutgens, F.K. and Tasa, D. Earth Science, Twelfth Edition. Pearson Prentice Hall. 2009, New Jersey.

Behind Mud Walls Paper

Only then one can learn about the cities because one needs to understand the relationship between the two in India. Behind Mud Walls provides the opportunity to examine a north Indian village from a non-Indian point of view; in other words, a non-biased point of view. Since the book is broken up into parts by years, it gives the reader a great way to examine the changes that take place in this village; it shows how it was then and how it is now. Karimpur in 1930 was very different from Karimpur in the 80’s and 90’s. Many changes were observed by Wisers and Susan Wadley, who writes the later chapters in the book. These changes were social, economic, educational, technological, political and cultural but most significant of these were social, and educational. The social changes with an emphasis on role of women, the slowing down of the Jajmani system and the rise in education will be the focus of this paper. What was Karimpur like in 1930? Women in Karimpur in late 1920s were very traditional. They had a purdah (covering of the face) on at all times and were dependent on males (husbands, father or brothers). They were uneducated and illiterate. They had limited movement outside the house and were usually tied to raising children and doing household work. They worked almost entirely in mud enclosures. Their days were spent largely in menial labor, ensuring that their family could subside on a day-to-day basis. Their days began at dawn, when they gathered water for their family and their daily tasks of cooking, brushing, and cleaning. They ground flour for bread. They milked the family’s cow or buffalo. They prepared the ovens or chulas for the day’s cooking. They swept. They collected dung for fuel. They gathered vegetables from the fields. It is safe to say that these women lived entirely behind â€Å"mud walls†. (144). They were also not allowed to go to the fields by themselves to relieve themselves. (46). Moreover, a system called Jajmani was widespread in Karimpur when the Wisers first visited. It was basically a system that bounded upper castes to lower castes in the villages. There was exchange of goods and services between landowning higher castes and landless service castes. The relationship was to be permanent, hereditary and lower castes generally received grains against rendered services. Dhobis (washers), chamars (tanners), faqirs (beggars) dhanuks (midwives), sudras (lower caste), and bhangis (sweepers) were all treated in a degrading manner. (47). The upper caste people, the Brahmins, would not like when the Wisers’ children played with those of bhangis. A touch of a bhangi would bring pollution to the upper caste Brahmins since they carry human waste and clean the courtyards. The Brahmins dominated the village. They owned most of the land and also took part in religious rituals due to their priest roots. Therefore, the caste system was a major social structure in Karimpur. Every individual had to stay within their caste boundaries; everyone had a hereditary job to do. Two different castes could not marry and an upper caste could eat or drink anything offered by the lower caste. Even when the Wisers offered peanuts to the children, their parents refused to let them eat. Only food offered by Brahmins would be acceptable for other upper castes. Therefore, caste system played a huge role in the lives of people in Karimpur. Furthermore, education was very low in Karimpur in 1925. Both males and females could barely read or write. As a result, there were no technological developments and therefore, agricultural production was low. Lower education rate also meant that people strictly followed the caste system to keep order in the society. Another observation made by the Wisers during their first was that most village houses were made of mud and were called â€Å"kaccha† houses. An interesting relationship noticed by the Wisers was that of newly wed girls and their mother-in-laws. Mother-in-laws would keep an eye on their daughter-in-laws or â€Å"bahus. † These bahus would have to please their mother-in-laws and take care of the household and everyone living in the family or in this case joint-family where brothers and their families live together with their parents under one roof. Therefore, one can see that Karimpur described by the Wisers in 1930 was quite backward and orthodox. The next half of the paper will be focused on the changes that took place over the decades in Karimpur. What were the changes in the second half of the century when Wisers and Susan Wadley visited Karimpur? Firstly, the role of women had changed a little bit. Secondly, education had increased and more and more villagers had B. A. degrees and moved to cities to find work. Thirdly, technological changes had brought enormous agricultural growth in the farms. The rigid caste system had slowed down a little bit and the mutual relationship of Jajmani system had declined as well. Finally, the younger generation was more in touch with the world through cities and education, the lower castes had more access to land ownership and most of the mud houses were transformed into brick houses or â€Å"pakka† houses. The roles of women had started to change in the 60s and later as observed by Susan Wadley. The purdah declined except during ritual occasions. The dress style also changed. Head was less covered. They started to show more head and face unlike before. When women went out in the fields to work still wore long sleeve blouses and had their head covered. The ones who worked in their own courtyards or left their house briefly started wearing dhotis which was something shorter than saris and other traditional long sleeve garments that they wore. (193). This was a radical change. It really showed that times had changed and people were becoming a little more open-minded. The younger generation of women was far more educated than their mothers or sisters and also wore baggy pants (Panjabi suits) by 90s. At times they would refuse to help their female figures in preparing and collecting cow dung, calling it â€Å"dirty. † They no longer had to collect water for their families since the introduction of hand pumps in their courtyards. This made their job a lot easier. Women also experienced change in their work. Due to the decline in the jajmani system and male employment in the farms, women no longer worked on the farms. The decline in the jajmani system meant more opportunities for women. Female servants were more acceptable as household servants. The decline in the purdah also helped women since now they could get their own water without males, carry their own messages and pick their own flowers from the fields. (289). They also took part in Hindu rituals. At the same time, one can argue that the voice of women in a household declined. Females were excluded from farm work since men had moved to the cities for work. They were replaced by machines and pumps on the fields and farms, and traditionally employed women in caste-based jobs through the jajmani system were no longer employed. Therefore, the changes in the lives of women were both negative and positive although the changes in the levels of education in Karimpur definitely helped women. Education was beneficial to both men and women. Better opportunities for jobs and marriage increased education rates among men and women. Women were expected to be educated to train their future generations. An educated girl was a likely girl for a marriage proposal. In 1984, three schools were set up for both boys and girls. An astonishing forty nine percent of boys attended school. That is a big percentage for a backward village like Karimpur. (291). Fifty seven percent of girls attended primary schools. (291). All these numbers aside, education was still a luxury not a privilege in Karimpur. It was only accessible to upper castes that had money and the poor could not afford the cost of books and clothes. It is also important to note that it was extremely difficult to pass the sciences in schools without proper tutoring. As a result, the spread and benefit of education remained low. Still, it was a crucial change because it did make life better for some of the people. Many Brahmins obtained B. A. and M. A. degrees and most were literate including women. Increased education for men meant more opportunities in the cities for work which meant more money to provide for families back in village. Those who stayed in villages chose to be intermediates between the Brahmins and the government officials in matters of the village. Another reason why education was an important change for Karimpur was because it changed caste relationships. Education loosened the bonds of Brahmin dominance. Education brought knowledge and knowledge brought changes in caste relationships. Different lower castes were no longer tied to their jajmans or patrons. They were able to deal with banks, lawyers, doctors and government officials. There was a decline in the traditional jajmani system due to abundance of labor. The farmers no longer needed to maintain their workers when they could hire labor for a cheaper price. Wealthy farmers in the 80s did not need that many laborers. They had machines that took care of their daily work. Hand pumps were a great tool for rich farmers. (285). There were two new tractors in the village. As a result the whole relationship between the jajmans and their servants declined due to abundance of cheap labor and new technology in the farms. The jajmani system no longer provided services, wage labor was more focused and employment networks were more focused and laborers were in constant demand. (283). Some lower castes were also able to raise their status in the society by changing their caste names. Scheduled or backward castes like the chamars and telis became jatavs and rathors, both subcastes of the Kshatriya. (262). This type of upward mobility shows that progress did take place and this is the type of mobility is portrayed in the sacred Hindu texts like the Vedas. The system of hereditary caste system was never propagated by any texts. Rather, a system based on meritocracy was promoted in ancient Sanskrit texts and it was good to see such changed in a small north Indian village. Thus, one can see many social changes in Karimpur starting in the 60s and lasting till the 90s. Other important changes that took place were the transformation of the kuccha houses into pakka houses. Pakka houses were no longer limited to Brahmins. Even a sweeper had a pakka house. (248). Economic growth enabled people to buy bricks and build these new types of houses. Payments are done in rupees rather than grains due to cash economy. Jajmani system no longer controlled the exchange of goods. Agricultural production was booming due to technological changes and introduction of necessary materials by the government to increase production. Better seeds, more fertilizer and more irrigation were provided by the government. One can credit increased education for more interaction between the villagers and the government officials. 252). Crops other than grains were produced and more number of farmers from all castes planted more crops and vegetables unlike only the Brahmins forty years ago. Green revolution also brought tremendous change in agriculture along with introduction of pumped irrigation water. Family incomes increased for many castes and access to land ownership also increased for middle and lower castes. The dominant Brahm in influence declined over the years but they still had a huge presence in the village. Overall, Karimpur in 1920s was different from Karimpur in the second half of the century. The reason why it was different was because of the changes in the roles of women over the years, the decline in the caste and jajmani system, and increased education. These changes were tied to each other and a change in one system brought a change in another. Finally, Karimpur serves as a model for modern India; it shows how a socially orthodox and economically backward place can experience changes at all levels in the society and improve the lives of its people. Works Cited Wiser, Charlotte, William Wiser. Behind Mud Walls. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California, 2000. Behind Mud Walls Paper Only then one can learn about the cities because one needs to understand the relationship between the two in India. Behind Mud Walls provides the opportunity to examine a north Indian village from a non-Indian point of view; in other words, a non-biased point of view. Since the book is broken up into parts by years, it gives the reader a great way to examine the changes that take place in this village; it shows how it was then and how it is now. Karimpur in 1930 was very different from Karimpur in the 80’s and 90’s. Many changes were observed by Wisers and Susan Wadley, who writes the later chapters in the book. These changes were social, economic, educational, technological, political and cultural but most significant of these were social, and educational. The social changes with an emphasis on role of women, the slowing down of the Jajmani system and the rise in education will be the focus of this paper. What was Karimpur like in 1930? Women in Karimpur in late 1920s were very traditional. They had a purdah (covering of the face) on at all times and were dependent on males (husbands, father or brothers). They were uneducated and illiterate. They had limited movement outside the house and were usually tied to raising children and doing household work. They worked almost entirely in mud enclosures. Their days were spent largely in menial labor, ensuring that their family could subside on a day-to-day basis. Their days began at dawn, when they gathered water for their family and their daily tasks of cooking, brushing, and cleaning. They ground flour for bread. They milked the family’s cow or buffalo. They prepared the ovens or chulas for the day’s cooking. They swept. They collected dung for fuel. They gathered vegetables from the fields. It is safe to say that these women lived entirely behind â€Å"mud walls†. (144). They were also not allowed to go to the fields by themselves to relieve themselves. (46). Moreover, a system called Jajmani was widespread in Karimpur when the Wisers first visited. It was basically a system that bounded upper castes to lower castes in the villages. There was exchange of goods and services between landowning higher castes and landless service castes. The relationship was to be permanent, hereditary and lower castes generally received grains against rendered services. Dhobis (washers), chamars (tanners), faqirs (beggars) dhanuks (midwives), sudras (lower caste), and bhangis (sweepers) were all treated in a degrading manner. (47). The upper caste people, the Brahmins, would not like when the Wisers’ children played with those of bhangis. A touch of a bhangi would bring pollution to the upper caste Brahmins since they carry human waste and clean the courtyards. The Brahmins dominated the village. They owned most of the land and also took part in religious rituals due to their priest roots. Therefore, the caste system was a major social structure in Karimpur. Every individual had to stay within their caste boundaries; everyone had a hereditary job to do. Two different castes could not marry and an upper caste could eat or drink anything offered by the lower caste. Even when the Wisers offered peanuts to the children, their parents refused to let them eat. Only food offered by Brahmins would be acceptable for other upper castes. Therefore, caste system played a huge role in the lives of people in Karimpur. Furthermore, education was very low in Karimpur in 1925. Both males and females could barely read or write. As a result, there were no technological developments and therefore, agricultural production was low. Lower education rate also meant that people strictly followed the caste system to keep order in the society. Another observation made by the Wisers during their first was that most village houses were made of mud and were called â€Å"kaccha† houses. An interesting relationship noticed by the Wisers was that of newly wed girls and their mother-in-laws. Mother-in-laws would keep an eye on their daughter-in-laws or â€Å"bahus. † These bahus would have to please their mother-in-laws and take care of the household and everyone living in the family or in this case joint-family where brothers and their families live together with their parents under one roof. Therefore, one can see that Karimpur described by the Wisers in 1930 was quite backward and orthodox. The next half of the paper will be focused on the changes that took place over the decades in Karimpur. What were the changes in the second half of the century when Wisers and Susan Wadley visited Karimpur? Firstly, the role of women had changed a little bit. Secondly, education had increased and more and more villagers had B. A. degrees and moved to cities to find work. Thirdly, technological changes had brought enormous agricultural growth in the farms. The rigid caste system had slowed down a little bit and the mutual relationship of Jajmani system had declined as well. Finally, the younger generation was more in touch with the world through cities and education, the lower castes had more access to land ownership and most of the mud houses were transformed into brick houses or â€Å"pakka† houses. The roles of women had started to change in the 60s and later as observed by Susan Wadley. The purdah declined except during ritual occasions. The dress style also changed. Head was less covered. They started to show more head and face unlike before. When women went out in the fields to work still wore long sleeve blouses and had their head covered. The ones who worked in their own courtyards or left their house briefly started wearing dhotis which was something shorter than saris and other traditional long sleeve garments that they wore. (193). This was a radical change. It really showed that times had changed and people were becoming a little more open-minded. The younger generation of women was far more educated than their mothers or sisters and also wore baggy pants (Panjabi suits) by 90s. At times they would refuse to help their female figures in preparing and collecting cow dung, calling it â€Å"dirty. † They no longer had to collect water for their families since the introduction of hand pumps in their courtyards. This made their job a lot easier. Women also experienced change in their work. Due to the decline in the jajmani system and male employment in the farms, women no longer worked on the farms. The decline in the jajmani system meant more opportunities for women. Female servants were more acceptable as household servants. The decline in the purdah also helped women since now they could get their own water without males, carry their own messages and pick their own flowers from the fields. (289). They also took part in Hindu rituals. At the same time, one can argue that the voice of women in a household declined. Females were excluded from farm work since men had moved to the cities for work. They were replaced by machines and pumps on the fields and farms, and traditionally employed women in caste-based jobs through the jajmani system were no longer employed. Therefore, the changes in the lives of women were both negative and positive although the changes in the levels of education in Karimpur definitely helped women. Education was beneficial to both men and women. Better opportunities for jobs and marriage increased education rates among men and women. Women were expected to be educated to train their future generations. An educated girl was a likely girl for a marriage proposal. In 1984, three schools were set up for both boys and girls. An astonishing forty nine percent of boys attended school. That is a big percentage for a backward village like Karimpur. (291). Fifty seven percent of girls attended primary schools. (291). All these numbers aside, education was still a luxury not a privilege in Karimpur. It was only accessible to upper castes that had money and the poor could not afford the cost of books and clothes. It is also important to note that it was extremely difficult to pass the sciences in schools without proper tutoring. As a result, the spread and benefit of education remained low. Still, it was a crucial change because it did make life better for some of the people. Many Brahmins obtained B. A. and M. A. degrees and most were literate including women. Increased education for men meant more opportunities in the cities for work which meant more money to provide for families back in village. Those who stayed in villages chose to be intermediates between the Brahmins and the government officials in matters of the village. Another reason why education was an important change for Karimpur was because it changed caste relationships. Education loosened the bonds of Brahmin dominance. Education brought knowledge and knowledge brought changes in caste relationships. Different lower castes were no longer tied to their jajmans or patrons. They were able to deal with banks, lawyers, doctors and government officials. There was a decline in the traditional jajmani system due to abundance of labor. The farmers no longer needed to maintain their workers when they could hire labor for a cheaper price. Wealthy farmers in the 80s did not need that many laborers. They had machines that took care of their daily work. Hand pumps were a great tool for rich farmers. (285). There were two new tractors in the village. As a result the whole relationship between the jajmans and their servants declined due to abundance of cheap labor and new technology in the farms. The jajmani system no longer provided services, wage labor was more focused and employment networks were more focused and laborers were in constant demand. (283). Some lower castes were also able to raise their status in the society by changing their caste names. Scheduled or backward castes like the chamars and telis became jatavs and rathors, both subcastes of the Kshatriya. (262). This type of upward mobility shows that progress did take place and this is the type of mobility is portrayed in the sacred Hindu texts like the Vedas. The system of hereditary caste system was never propagated by any texts. Rather, a system based on meritocracy was promoted in ancient Sanskrit texts and it was good to see such changed in a small north Indian village. Thus, one can see many social changes in Karimpur starting in the 60s and lasting till the 90s. Other important changes that took place were the transformation of the kuccha houses into pakka houses. Pakka houses were no longer limited to Brahmins. Even a sweeper had a pakka house. (248). Economic growth enabled people to buy bricks and build these new types of houses. Payments are done in rupees rather than grains due to cash economy. Jajmani system no longer controlled the exchange of goods. Agricultural production was booming due to technological changes and introduction of necessary materials by the government to increase production. Better seeds, more fertilizer and more irrigation were provided by the government. One can credit increased education for more interaction between the villagers and the government officials. 252). Crops other than grains were produced and more number of farmers from all castes planted more crops and vegetables unlike only the Brahmins forty years ago. Green revolution also brought tremendous change in agriculture along with introduction of pumped irrigation water. Family incomes increased for many castes and access to land ownership also increased for middle and lower castes. The dominant Brahm in influence declined over the years but they still had a huge presence in the village. Overall, Karimpur in 1920s was different from Karimpur in the second half of the century. The reason why it was different was because of the changes in the roles of women over the years, the decline in the caste and jajmani system, and increased education. These changes were tied to each other and a change in one system brought a change in another. Finally, Karimpur serves as a model for modern India; it shows how a socially orthodox and economically backward place can experience changes at all levels in the society and improve the lives of its people. Works Cited Wiser, Charlotte, William Wiser. Behind Mud Walls. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California, 2000.

Identify qualitative methodology in journal articles and critically Research Paper

Identify qualitative methodology in journal articles and critically review its applicability to the study - Research Paper Example ents were quite appropriate for the study, as capturing the essence of what drives both the management of change and the influence of the processes and systems at two different companies on female workers with varying degrees of education and experience. In order to fully assess different perspectives on these views, the unstructured interview allowed the subjects to freely express their unique experiences and viewpoints regarding the role of women in the workplace and how their roles are defined through different social lenses. Additionally, the unstructured interview, as opposed to the simple survey or questionnaire format, allows the researcher to dig deeper into the human behavioral aspects which drive various decision-making in the workplace. It is a relatively common fact that, from an HR perspective, people have various needs in the professional environment linked to autonomous working conditions and empowerment in order to feel fully valuable to an organization. With this in mind, had this study taken a more quantitative approach, such as the utilization of surveys to locate patterns of behavior at the two workplaces described in the research article, it would have limited the potential of the study by limiting responses to a set series of researcher-designed criteria. For instance, a multi-tick survey instrument, such as a series of questions with potential responses ranging from 1-10 based on personal opinion, might have captured whether specific patterns existed in terms of individual worker pers pectives on the role of women in the workplaces. However, the more behavioral aspects of managing people, such as the soft approach to human resources management where people development is paramount, would be missing from this approach, which justifies this study’s use of the informal interview template to provide for free expression of ideas and unique perspectives. One notable limitation to this study’s design involves its lack of clear objectives: What

Substance abuse among teens Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Substance abuse among teens - Article Example y get into substance abuse owing to peer pressure or just for the sake of pleasure, the long term consequences are extreme and thus, they must be educated on the issue which makes them direct stakeholders in the issue. Thus, both parents and their children as a family unit make an important stakeholder to the issue. For instance, if the child is indulged in the perils of substance abuse, it would be the family who will have to bear the brunt while the child is in rehab, also medical expenses would also be borne by the family. Thus, in any way, the family unit has the most stakes in the issue (Monty, Suzzane & Tracy 22-23). Similarly, the community of the teachers and instructors directly associated with these teenagers also has stakes in the issue since they will be ones looking after the well being of the community. Thus, as an institution these teachers, professors and instructors must also be directly engaged in a meaningful discussion since they understand the behavioral patterns of the issues well, which makes them stakeholders in the debate. On a macro level, the policy makers who are looking after the demand supply pattern of these drugs involved, and thus awareness over the issues is also significant for them. For instance, these policy makers have to be mindful of developing strategies over the age limit of legal availability of certain legalized drugs, similarly, of the level of taxation to be imposed on the purchase of such drugs. Thus, on a holistic level, advocates, community mobilzers, family units and other similar institutions stand to be significant stakeholders in this context. The study aims at addressing the gap in information specifically for the stakeholders identified. In other words, assessing substance abuse with a focus specifically on teenagers is the need of the time since the issue is now affecting stakeholders at a macro level. The paper will thus offer information for these stakeholders who are looking for figures and estimates in a

February Action - creative writing Essay Example for Free

February Action creative writing Essay So, after my great holidays, back to reality. In this case, it meant moving flats. I moved out of my friends flat and in with two Mexican siblings, girl (spoilt acting student) and boy (pain in the ass lawyer student). (The statements in this part are highly influenced by later experiences with the two people, I got along with them and their family fine. ) And when I moved I found the flat under water. So the first thing I did was spend hours soaking towels. Apart from that the two were always nice to me, the guy was almost never there and the girl went home on weekends, so I had the place to myself a lot, which was great. The flat was on the ground floor, so despite great sunny weather outside, I lived in freezing conditions. But it was well-located for work and social life. My room consisted of a bed and a built in cupboard (already provided) and a very useful box (which I found on the street and stayed with me until I moved out). I started working too giving English classes in the Bank of Mexico, some 20 hours a week, all 1-1 classes with mostly enjoyable students. As I had already found a football team, it meant I had found friends who took me out, to the cinema and every sunday the PUMAS (one of the local teams) game was a must. I was introduced to the stadium, the anthem (!!!! ) and the during match entertainment (beer and crisps) and the after match entertainment (more beer, discussion of game, and strange activities like having electric shocks outside of the stadium). Although not completely my description of a great time, it was good fun nevertheless. I otherwise spent quite lazy weekends, enjoying the company of my friend Itziar and playing football. At the end of February, the football girls had a huge party, which was great great fun, a lovely, welcoming group of girls who know how to party. There I became better friends with a lot of them, which was very nice. The party was full of good food, dancing, dancing and dancing and when it ended, we decided to go to a friends house to continue the party, but we all ended up falling asleep there. So some good weekend action. I was invited by the family of my flatmates to Cuernavaca, which is the getaway for inhabitants of the big City. (btw, if New York City is the Big Apple, Mexico City must be something like the Big Papaya) I went out on the Saturday morning by bus and then spent quite a relaxed time in the house, which is quite a bit outside of the city center. We had a lovely meal and then they took me into the city center, where they, interestingly enough, put me on the tourist bus and I went around on that. Pity really, because the main square had some really interesting and fun dancing and singing going on, surrounded by people selling handcrafts and other oddities. So the bus ride was quite amusing, lots of historically interesting information that I forget while the guide is finishing the sentence. Cuernavaca is a nice city and the bus also took us on a walk through some park/ravine, which was also umm nice. Then in the evening I met the family to have supper at a very good Italian restaurant before we headed back to their house, where I fell right to sleep (tired from the party, obviously). Sunday just meant a long sleep, another nice meal and then the return journey back to the city. So I got a look at what Cuernavaca was like, which was enjoyable. Next time, Ill just go by myself to see more of the place instead of seeing it wizzing by from the Touribus.

McDonaldization Essay -- essays research papers

George Ritzer describes McDonaldization as â€Å"the process by which the principles of the fast-food restaurant are coming to dominate more and more sectors of American society as well as the rest of the world†. McDonaldization is the idea that our society is becoming more efficient and more fast paced. Rational systems can be defined as â€Å"unreasonable, dehumanizing systems that deny the humanity, the human reason, of the people who work within them or are served by them†.1 Today there are many types of businesses that are increasingly adapting the same values and principles of the fast-food industry to their needs. Rational systems are dehumanizing our society and seem to be even more irrational than convenient. â€Å"Almost every aspect of today’s society has been affected by McDonaldization including the restaurant business, education, work, healthcare, travel, leisure, dieting, politics and the family†. McDonaldization is turning our society into one which is built upon convenience and gaining the most for our money in the fastest way possible. The significant success of McDonalds, and of McDonaldization as a whole, is due to four basic elements- efficiency, calculability, predictability, and control.(Ritzer, p.12) The first dimension of McDonaldization is efficiency. Efficiency means choosing the optimum means to a given end. Efficiency does have its advantages for both consumers, who get what they want quickly and with little effort, and for workers, who can perform their tasks...